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Bishop also displays a lot of reasons why this trend is likely to continue. My wife and I have been considering moving from our present location, and I was looking for a county within the states we're considering, where there was roughly a 50-50 split between Democrats and Republicans. I bought this book because I had become fascinated with what I had seen when studying the county by county results of recent presidential elections. It's not an especially uplifting book, but then, it never pretended to be. The relatively small number of such counties got me looking at the historical data more, and it appeared that we (as a nation) are segregating ourselves by politics at a rather substantial rate. Bill Bishop explores the history of how we got to our present situation, and offers a number of reasons for it, as well as showing the various aspects of human life in which we do tend to segregate ourselves. It's a good read for those who have an interest in the demographics and sociology of the people of the U.S. So much for a melting pot.
The Big Sort is an excellent book. In addition to making a strong case for its premise-- that Americans are segregating by life style and thus making political divisions even more extreme-- it also provides very insightful explanations for the changes. This is one of those rare books that both describes and then creatively explains the underlying causes of important societal changes.Randy Porter
Bishop's big sort argument, while interesting, could (and should) have been compressed into a magazine article. In 2004, for instance, the two major candidates were polarizing figures; and while these candidates did motivate registered Democrats and Republicans to the get to the polls, about 40 percent of eligible voters didn't show up.
The subtitle prematurely informs the reader what the author believes this idea means for American democracy.Electoral and demographic reality do not completely support Bishop's idea. Bill Bishop, appearing to have been inspired by both neighborhood anecdotes and the 2004 Presidential election, formed an interesting idea about demographics and our mobile society.
Every election is different because the candidates are individuals, and the electorate also changes over time. He consistently and redundantly refers to the 2004 election results and compares how the "landslide" counties have increased in the past three decades.
The problems with so heavily weighing your argument on one election seems obvious. So my question to Bill Bishop is this: How can you make this argument for "the big sort" without accounting for what these millions of non-voting Americans are doing.As other reviewers have mentioned, this book is also unnecessarily long.
Or, he could have waited until after the 2008 Presidential election to see how incomplete his argument really is.
The "research" is overdone and often makes for a BORING journey through some very important issues. They make it sound appealing, it is, to maybe a great degree, but it doesn't make us stronger.I've lived in a very unlike minded community for a long time that for some reason I've been reluctant to leave even as I've become more politically sophisticated. This may have made a larger impact as an article or series of articles, it doesn't make it as a book. I was fascinated by much of the discussion but bored to death with the repetition and redundancy. The great benefit, I don't think many people have, or avail themselves of, is to know, talk to, and hang out with people unlike themselves. On the other hand dispute, disagreement, debate, scientific method, and inquiry are the only things that keep humanity growing, if that is what we're doing, I sometimes doubt it.I didn't find the arguments against polarization strong enough, not that we could stop it.
I know it's natural but it also makes for horrors like religion, nationalism, prejudice, conformity, small mindedness, etc., some of the worst traits and institutions of human beings based on their limitations we're never going to evolve from if we keep it up.
Gimme a break,the book comes off amateurish.
I hope not to be exiled to some place where the vast majority agrees with me." This describes my experience and what I've learned.
The author's say the same thing over and over,paraphrasing or using the same words, issues, or concepts they've already used.
I like one of the statements made right at the beginning of the book,"The most valuable thing that I learn daily is the capacity to respect people with whom I have disagreements.
Where's the editing.
It could easily be a hundred pages shorter and the reader wouldn't be missing anything.I don't see polarization as a good thing as many of the reviewers here seem to.
I've had the opportunity, I haven't always liked it, to rub elbows, discuss, and make friends with people with whom I disagree on many issues.
What we discover is that regardless of our differences we are human beings at heart sharing a great voyage together into the unknown.
Unfortunately, the book also does not cover the liberal domination of the media, entertainment, and education, which is another case of important political segregation. Such was not always the case in the fifties through the seventies, in which congress was not as partisan and many across party lines were friends. Liberal districts have a high cost of living in general. Politics have become moralistic; no one wants to compromise with the devils across party lines. I considered this to be a passing problem.
They are almost more socialist than Christian, in my opinion. People hold certain beliefs because they are popular among their set, more than whether they are true. No solutions are given for the problem in the book though. Social gospel Christians just want to make the world a better place; they don't pay much attention to orthodox interpretations of scripture. I thought that preventing gerrymandering may ease the polarization of the nation. These institutions affect how people think and determine what is or it not an issue and how an issue is perceived.
The author of this The Big Sort is a liberal concerned about the political polarization of the nation. Ideas about national consensus and compromise are being rejected for the sake of integrity. In liberal, high-tech towns such as Portland and Austin, social ties are weak, but the economy and creativity are strong. In more competitive districts, people are able to have a wider range of opinion, without being "stoned" for it. People are choosing liberal or conservative districts that fit their lifestyle or mindset so that they will never encounter someone in person whom they disagree strongly with again. Generations by William Strauss and Neil Howe covers how society through time keeps fluctuating between conformity and consensus to self-expression and fractiousness. Characteristics of these areas are given. Hard times such as wartime and depressions make people more conformist, unified, and peaceful; prosperous times make people more narcissistic and fractious.The author covers some areas of the country that are becoming more liberal or conservative.
Congressional district are becoming more republican or democrat and moderates are becoming more scarce. People who live in landslide republican or democrat counties report feeling uncomfortable expressing their opinions if they go against the party line. I thought the author could have delved into this area as well. For instance, Billy Graham would have someone of the same sex or race greet a newcomer to Christ in his crusades. In general, the inner cores of cities are liberal and the suburbs and rural areas are conservative.
In conservative areas such as Harlan County, Kentucky, social ties are strong, but the economy and innovation are weak. Conversions and church growth based on tribalism were developed by missionaries who found out that the best way to convert people to Christianity was to have recent converts witness to friends who were of the same class or tribe. It seems that when like minded people gather together their opinions become more homogeneous, and then following the leader, they become more extreme. An example would be mega churches, which cater to their "customers" and do not challenge their beliefs. People are using marketing techniques to create party support and like-minded communities. It is easier to convert someone if they are no cultural barriers of differing race, class, or gender. They build hospitals and schools and not as interested in conversions. Too many impassioned partisans can tear it apart.
Congress has become gridlocked between two increasingly extremist parties. Private gospel Christians still live under the grim edicts of Calvinism, which emphasizes converting people to Christianity and living under conservative interpretations of the Bible. Liberal areas tend to have more college graduates and they value environmental concerns over job creation. The author talks about how it is advantageous to have apolitical people and moderates in a society to hold it together. The book describes the two different types of Christians.
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